The Shias of Pakistan: An Assertive and Beleaguered Minority has been penned down by Andreas Rieck. Andreas holds a PhD in Islamic Studies and has served with a United Nations (UN) mission in Afghanistan and with the Hanns Seidel Foundation in Pakistan. Perhaps that could be one of the reasons he penned this informative book. Pakistan has the second-largest population of Shia Muslims after Iran, albeit they are a minority in Pakistan.
The book is quite extensive, comprising nine chapters and spanning 500 pages. Andreas impeccably delves into the origins of Shi’ism, the spread of Twelver Shi’ism in the Mughal times during the Safavid dynasty of Iran, when they declared Shi’ism as their official religion. The first Mughal rulers had a bonhomie with the Safavids of Iran; the Babur conquest in 1526, which established the Mughal Dynasty, was aided by many Shia soldiers of the Safavids. Shias also gained many noble positions in Akbar’s reign, and Shias freely proceeded with their processions and majalis (gatherings).
The Shias Of Pakistan depth historical lens on Shia identity
The author also explores the Shia-Sunni conflicts in the subcontinent. Andreas writes that the roots of the Shia-Sunni schism were established when Mahmud of Ghazna destroyed the Ismaili kingdom in southern Punjab. During this period, polemical works were produced against Shia doctrines, with one major work authored by Sheikh Ahmad Sirhindi, who is regarded by Muslims in the subcontinent as Mujaddid Alf Thani around 1587. In his writings, he also declared Shias to be kuffar (infidels). Andreas writes about the Shia communal identity and how it has been shaped throughout history. Shia Muslims in the subcontinent felt a sense of relief when the British arrived and even supported them during the 1857 mutiny, alongside Sunni Muslims in Punjab. The Turis in Kurram provided land to the British, allowing them to establish a cantonment during the Anglo-Afghan campaign — they sought security from Sunni communities.
The most intriguing part for me in the book was the role of Shia Muslims in the making of Pakistan and how the landed Shia elite aided and funded the Muslim League for the struggle of Pakistan, which will not be mentioned in the regular discourse that happens on the history of Pakistan. Many people will be amazed to know here that the founding father of Pakistan was also a Shia. Quaid-e-Azam had his roots in the Khoja Ismaili sect, but he later converted to Twelver Shi’ism.
The book deals with the post-Partition period to the President Zardari era. Shias in the newly carved-out state stood strong in their beliefs and preserved their tradition of azadari (mourning rituals) and majalis. One of the most intriguing things that I read in the book was that the Shia of Pakistan used to have different monthly magazines and newsletters in which leading Shiite ulema (scholars) or political figures used to opine their views. Although the Shia-Sunni conflict was one of the oldest conflicts in the subcontinent, this conflict gained impetus when General Zia-ul-Haq came to power.
The dynamics were perplexing at that time: there was an Afghan jihad going on with the collaboration of the United States of America (USA), Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia; and the Iranian Revolution was successfully led by Khomeini. There was a lot of influence of that revolution on our Shia brothers — although it was impossible for them to conceive such a revolution in Pakistan — but Zia and his Arab allies, insecure of this revolt, funded heavily various organisations. That was the start of sectarian violence in Pakistan. Sipah-e-Sahaba was the prominent one when it came to targeting Shias and declaring them as infidels. There wasn’t a single Muharram procession that wasn’t bombed by extremists. Parachinar and Kurram were the most affected by sectarian violence, and due to the peculiar location of Kurram, it was a launching pad for mujahideen into Afghanistan.
He also mentioned the killings of the Hazara community, which is located in Marriabad, the outskirts of Quetta. One thing I really admire is that he mentioned in his book about Shia Muslims residing in Kurram — and which I completely agree with — is that: “they have rightfully complained that they have always been fiercely loyal to Pakistan, but have often been treated poorly or have been outright abandoned by the state. Such resentments have grown very strong in recent years.”
Although the book has covered almost everything, the writer could have related the Karbala tragedy and its influence on the subcontinent at that time, and he mentioned the conquest of Muhammad bin Qasim, but that was merely one sentence. Andreas failed to mention the atrocities Qasim committed, and also the persecution of Sayyids (descendants of the Prophet). The Parachinar chapter also deserves a more in-depth study because of its communal violence and land-related disputes.
Despite the critique, this book is recommended to everyone who has a penchant for Pakistan’s history, communal politics, and wants to acquire knowledge about different sects. The book is replete with personal interviews, historical sources, and archival news. The book remains relevant to this day, although the sectarian violence is almost zero compared to the 1990s and early 2000s. This book should be on your to-read list when you have to quench your thirst for the history of Shia Muslims in Pakistan and the sectarian violence that followed.